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Shri Atal Bihari Vajpayee 1980 to 1986
Shri Vajpayee was Prime Minister of India from May 16-31, 1996 and a second time from March 19, 1998 to May 13, 2004. With his swearing-in as Prime Minister, he has been the only Prime Minister since...Read More... -
Shri Lal Krishna Advani 1986 to 1990, 1992 to 1998, 2004 to 2005
Shri L K Advani is currently Chairman BJP Parliamentary Party.Read More...
Through the years Advaniji had served as the President of the Bharatiya Janata Party for the longest period since its inception in... -
Dr. M M Joshi 1990 to 1992
Dr. Joshi was born on January 5, 1934. Dr. Joshi had his early education at Hindu High School, Chandpur and completed his higher education from Meerut College and Allahabad University where he was inspired...Read More... -
Late Shri Kushabhau Thakre 1998 to 2000
Childhood , Education & the ManRead More...
Shri. Kushabhau Thakre was born on August 15, 1922 in Dhar (Madhya Pradesh). He was educated at Dhar and Gwalior in Madhya Pradesh. His father was Late Dr. Sundar... -
Shri Bangaru Laxman 2000 to 2001
Soft-spoken and a man of many parts, who has been evincing keen interest in social, educational and literary activities since his scholastic days, Shri Bangaru Laxman was born on March 17, 1939 in...Read More... -
Late Shri K. Jana Krishnamurthy 2001 to 2002
K. Jana Krishnamurthi, born on 24 May, 1928, in Madurai City (Tamilnadu). He was born in a lawyer's family in that he is the fourth generation lawyer. He studied in Madurai and graduated taking Economics...Read More... -
Shri M. Venkaiah Naidu 2002 to 2004
Shri Muppavarapu Venkaiah Naidu was born on 1st July, 1949 in Chavatapalem, a remote village in the Nellore district of Andhra Pradesh. His parents, Late Shri Rangaiah Naidu and Smt. Ramanamma were agriculturists....Read More... -
Shri Rajnath Singh 2005 to 2009
Born on 10th July 1951 in a farmer's family at village Babhora, Tehasil Chakia, District Varansi (now district Chanduli) UP, to Shri Rambadan Singh and Srimati Gujarati Devi.Read More...
He received his basic... -
Shri Nitin Gadkari 2009 - Present (National President, Bharatiya Janata Party)
A Visionary Performer A visionary with great ideas and an innovative approach, an able administrator who believes in attaining results , an iconic leader for the party workers, a Leader of Opposition...Read More... - Life Beyond PoliticsAs a person committed to the “Antyodaya” philosophy, Mr Nitin Gadkari was always active in taking up different projects to help build a strong society and nation.Read More...
Friday, 7 October 2011
BJP History
Bharatiya Janata Party is today the most prominent member of the family of organisations known as the "Sangh Parivar". And RSS has always been dubbed "communal", "reactionary" and what not by its detractors. Sanghs of swayamsevaks have of course always shaken off that criticism like so much water off a duck's back. They have never had any doubt that the organisation is wedded to national unity, national integrity, national identity and national strength through individual character and national character. And today this organisation is poised for a great leap forward. Even its long- time detractors think and say that now BJP is "unstoppable".What is the story of this national epic?
History is the philosophy of nations. And the Sangh Parivar has a very clear and candid conception of Indian history. Here was a great civilization whose glory spread from Sri Lanka to Java and Japan and from Tibet and Mangolia to China and Siberia. While it weathered the storms of Huns and Shakas and Greeks it wilted before the Islamic storms of the Turks. However, a 1000-year resistance saw this country bloodied but unbowed. Its civilization survived through the heroic efforts of the Vijayanagar Empire and of Shivaji, Rana Pratap and Guru Govind Singh and countless heroes and martyrs.
In more recent times this torch was picked up by Swami Dayanand and Swami Vivekanada. And in the present century the good work has been carried on by Sri Aurobindo, Lokmanya Tilak, Mahatma Gandhi and others. The RSS, founded by Dr Hedgewar in 1925 and consolidated by Shri Guruji after 1940, is the heir to this heroic, historic heritage. It has nothing against Muslim Indians - as distinguished from Muslim invaders. Its position on this issue has all along been: "Justice for all and appeasement of none". But it has no doubt that we were and are a Hindu nation; that change of faith cannot mean change of nationality.
The Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh
The RSS entirely agrees with Gandhiji's formulations that "There is in Hinduism room enough for Jesus, as there is for Mohammed, Zoroster and Moses" and that "majority of the Muslims of India are converts to that faith from Hinduism through force of circumstances. They are still Hindu in many essential ways and, in a free, prosperous, progressive India, they would find it the most natural thing in the world to revert to their ancient faith and ways of life."
Due to the British policy of "Divide and Rule" and the politicians' proclivity to compromise and temporise the country suffered the trauma of the partition. But the Sangh Parivar has no doubt that before very long the unities, the varieties and the strengths of our ancient civilization will prevail. RSS has been continuing the task of nation building since its inception. It did it through the tumultuous period of 1930s and 40s. But it was rudely shaken by Gandhiji's killing and the Government's political exploitation of that national tragedy.
The RSS, along with millions of people, did not approve of Gandhiji's Muslim appeasement policy - starting with support of the Khilafat movement - but it had the greatest respect for the Mahatma. Indeed, Gandhiji had visited the RSS winter camp in Wardha in December 1934 - and addressed the Delhi RSS workers in Bhangi colony, in Spetember 1947. He had deeply appreciated the "noble sentiments" and "astonishing discipline" of the RSS. He had never spoken even one word of criticism of the RSS. But after his killing, 17000 RSS workers - including Shri Guruji - were accused of "conspiracy of murder" the Mahatma Gandhi and the RSS workers offered Satyagraha. But during all this time not one MLA or MP raised the issue in any legislature. For the RSS, it was the moment of truth. And this truth, as enunciated by Gokhale, was that "What cuts deep in politics cuts deep all round" and that unless the RSS grew political teeth and wings, it would always be at the mercy of unscrupulous politicians. This was the context in which Shri Guruji blessed the birth of Bhartiya Jana Sangh under the leadership of Dr. Syama Prasad Mookerjee in 1951. And in the very first General Elections the BJS emerged as one of the four nationally recognised parties. The Party has never looked back since then.
THE FIRST DECADE
The first decade was a period of steady growth organisationally and policy evolution and elaboration ideologically. It took up the issues of territorial integrity like Kashmir, Kutch and Berubari - and in the process suffered the martyrdom of its founder-President Dr Mookerjee in a Kashmir jail. It demanded cow protection as per Article 48 of the Constitution and Gandhiji's declaration that "Cow protection is more important than even Swarajya". It came out against Zamindari and Jagirdari. It criticised permit- licence-quota Raj. And it came out for the nuclear option to reinforce national defence. The 1962 China war and 1965 Pakistan war put Sangh Parivar on the center-stage as the conscience of the country. When the RSS Parivar was entrusted with police duties in 1965, and it performed the same to the satisfaction of all-even Muslims began to join Jana Sangh. Shri Guruji was specially invited to the National Integration Council. General Kulwant Singh said at the time: "Punjab is the sword arm of India and RSS is the sword arm of Punjab."
In all countries, parties associated with the freedom movement enjoy long years of power. So did the Congress - for 20 years. But the 1967 elections ended the Congress monopoly of power. From Punjab to Bengal there were non-Congress coalitions everywhere. As a political wit put it: "You could travel from Amritsar to Calcutta without setting foot in Congress territory."
In most of the States Jana Sangh and the Communists worked together. They seemed to be guided by the dictum: "We are all children of Bharat mata and we are all products of the 20th century."
However, this was more than the monopolistic Congress could stand. It used its vast money power and its capacity for intrigue to topple government after state government.
But even so Jana Sangh did not lose heart. Under the leadership of Pt. Deendayal Upadhyaya it held a tremendous session in Calicut. Here it clarified its language policy of "All encouragement to all Indian languages" to the delight of all linguistic groups. The Mathrubhumi, leading Malayali daily, described the BJS session "the Ganga flowing South."
However, within days of this historic session Deendayalji was found murdered near Mugalsarai railway station. In good faith the BJS asked for a CBI enquiry. But the way CBI drew blank made it clear that Central Agency has been politicised and that it would never unravel political crime.
Although the murder of Deendayalji was a stunning shock the BJS was too big and too strong to be stopped in its tracks. Under the leadership of Shri Atal Behari Vajpayee, it enthussiastically joined the movement for the libera- tion of Bangladesh. Its agitation for a higher procurement price for cereals gave the country food sufficiency and food security. Its election manifesto for 1971 was titled "War on Poverty". The Congress stole that slogan and hindi-ised it into "Garibi hatao" and swept the 1971 and 1972 polls. But once again Jana Sangh was too good and strong to be overwhelmed by the ebb and tide of politics.
JP's RESPONSE
In election after by-election Jana Sangh showed its class. It joined hands with Jaya Prakash Narayan on the issue of fighting corruption and autocracy. The BJS was in the vanguard of the people's movement in Bihar and Gujarat. To the professional detractors of Jana Sangh JP's categorical response was: "If Jana Sangh is communal then I am also communal." As the opposition parties won election after by-election, the cry ran through the country: "Sinhasan khali karo, ki janata aati hai". A scared Mrs. Gandhi declared Emergency, arrested thousands and baned the RSS. But the country survived this agni-pariksha, thanks again to the Sangh parivar, which contributed full 80% of Emergency-time prisoners, both detenus and Satyagrahis.
Mrs. Gandhi was astounded enough to admit in the Chandigarh Session of the Congress in 1975 that "even in places where the RSS was an unknown organisation it has established a firm foothold." The Economist of London (Dec.4 1970) described the underground movement of the Sangh parivar as "the only non-left revolutionary force in the world." And even Marxist parliamentary party leader Shri AK Gopalan was moved to say about the Sangh parivar: "There is some lofty idea which is capable of inspiring such deeds of bravery and stamina for sacrifices."
As a result of this successful resistance Mrs Gandhi's Congress Party was trounced in the 1977 elections and a Janata party government consisting of BJS, BLD, Cong(O), SOcialists and CFD took office. Here Shri Vajpayee as External Affairs Minister and Shri. L.K Advani as information and broadcasting minister made memorable name. But within thirty months this government went into pieces, thanks to the vaulting ambition of individual leaders. The Janata experiment miserably failed.
In the elections that followed the fall of Charan Singh government, countless crores of foreign money came into play. The Stateman pointed out on Feb.11, 1980 that the Rupee, which normally sold at a discount in the world's black markets, now began to sell at a premium. As against this official rate of Rs 7.91 to a dollar on January 4 the unofficial rate of Rs 7.20. "Those who keep tabs on money markets attributed this sudden rise in the black market value of the Indian currency to big orders from unknown buyers, believed to include some foreign governments keen to funnel funds into the election coffer of the ideological allies and friends in India". After the elections, in the very first week of February, 1980, the Indian currency fell even lower than before, to Rs 8 a dolalr to be precise.
While the splintered Janata Party was routed in January 1980, their suicidal "dual memebership" campaign continued. The BJS component found this situation impossible, went out and reorganised itself as BHARATIYA JANATA PARTY. A bright new day had dawned in the chequered history of India.
The very first session of BJP in December 1980 in Bombay, presided over by Shri Vajpayee, was a glorious success. Addressing this session the Grand Old Man of India, Shri M.C. Chagla, said: "I am not a member of the party and I am not addressing you as a delegate. Still I assure you that when I am talking to you I do not feel like an outsider. I honestly and sincerely feel that I am one of you. The BJP is a national party. I admire your discipline, your honesty, and your dedication. This huge gathering is Bombay's answer to Indira. This is the only party that can replace Indira."
It was during the Indira Gandhi's second coming that the country experienced the trauma of Meenakshipuram and the massacre of Nellie.
However, her worst disservice to the country was the propping up of Bhindranwale - till then an obscure granthi - to harass and divide the Akali Dal. To this day the country has not recovered from that play with fire, the latest victim of the same being Punjab Chief Minister Beant Singh.
No less dangerous was her aiding, abeting, arming, and financing of LTTE which was out to partition a friendly neighbouring state like Sri Lanka.
And when her political son died in an unfortunate and mysterious air accident she promptly put up even her airline pilot son to succeed her and try to pilot the ship of State.
The BJP, while exposing all these sins of ommission and commission, continued to consolidate its organisation and fine-tune its policies. It won election after after corporation election in major cities. The general feeling was that Mrs. Gandhi would not be able to win the next election due early in 1985. And President Zail Singh was heard saying that in that case he would not call her to form the Government. It was at this stage that she was shot dead by enraged Sikhs for having violated the sanctity of the Golden Temple in Amritsar. What followed was a titanic tragedy, costing the lives of thousands of Sikhs and their property worth some Rs 10,000 crores. The whole carnage was okayed by the state apparatus, with President Zail Singh himself ringing up the Delhi BJP leaders to please save the lives of their Sikh brethern. The whole gory drama was staged under Mr. Rajiv as PM and Mr. Rao as Home Minister. No wonder nobody was punished for this genocide of innocent Sikhs.
THE RAJIV REGIME
In the elections that followed the sympathy wave got Mr. Rajiv Gandhi more votes and more seats than even Pandit Nehru in all his three general elections. For a while he appeared as Prince Charming on a White Charger, the 'Mr. Clean', out to purge "power brokers". However, it soon became clear that it is much easier to run an election than to run a country.
He signed an agreement with Shri Longowal of the Akali Dal, but never implemented it. He signed an Assam agreement that left millions of Bangla infiltrators this side of the border. he first welcomed the Supreme Court judgement in the Shah Bano Case and then proceeded to negate it. Having done this "favor" to Muslims he proceeded to organise the unlocking of the Ayodhya structure in a bid to please the Hindus.
He despatched the army to Sri Lanka only to get a bloody nose there.
However, the BJP lost no time in preparing for the next round. It appointed a high power Working Group to study the results of the 1984 elections and recommend remedial action. The Party streamlined its organisation. It re-pledged itself to "Integral Humanism". It urged early and comprehensive electoral reform. And it highlighted the problem of massive infiltration from Bangladesh. Within two years of Rajiv Gandhi's coming to office the BJP had slapped on him a 50-count chargesheet. And then came the Bofors scandal.
That a ruling party should make money on Government contracts was bad enough. But that it should make money on Defence deals, compromising national defence was wholly unacceptable to the country. The fat was in the fire.
In the 1989 elections the Janata Dal effected adjustments of seats with the BJP and proceeded to form the Government with outside support from the BJP and the Communists.
From day one Shri VP Singh did not play ball. The BJP had pledged him unconditional support, which was probably a mistake; there is no charity in politics; no free lunch. BJP should have probably made it clear that it should be consulted on all major issues. But Mr VP Singh on his part only added insult to injury. The BJP had made no demand on him whatsoever. But whenever any of his colleagues suggested some gesture to be made to BJP he was heard saying: "I do not have to give them anything; they have no choice." Evidently the Raja Saheb thought that BJP was his "bonded labour."
As BJP president Advani was heard remarking at the time: "Mr VP Singh is like an old-style princeling. He is all courtesy and all conspiracy". He would tell Advani that he himself would join him in Kar-Seva and then issued a temple ordinance only to withdraw it within hurs and have Shri Advani arrested.
Shri VP Singh suddenly came up with the Mandal report, not because his heart was bleeding for the poor but because he thought that, on this issue, he could dissolve the House to go to the polls, collect some 350 seats and rule the country on his own without the bother of consulting anybody on anything. But it was a gamble that failed, because the BJP had already raised the Ayodhya issue. And it had done so early in 1989, not on the basis of any electoral calculation, but on ideological conviction. Historic wrongs had to be righted, however, symbolically, for a lasting solution of the Hindu-Muslim problem.
SEA CHANGE IN POLITICAL SCENE
Shri Advani's Rath Yatra from Somnath to Ayodhya effected a sea change in the political scene. While Mandal had divided the people, Ayodhya united the people. What violence there was in 1990 came only because the government arrested Shri Advani and the UP Chief Minister fired on Kar-Sevaks. Had they allowed Advani to reach Ayodhya and do symbolic Kar-Seva there would have been no Bandh, no violence, anywhere.
Shri VP Singh thought that BJP had secured 89 seats in 1989 because of seat adjustment with JD, and that was true enough. But he forgot that his JD had also got 143 seats only because of seat adjustment with the BJP. He now thought that in the absence of seat adjustment the BJP would lose scores of seats. Actually the BJP would lose scores of seats. Actually the BJO added 30 seats to its old score and it was the JD that declined to 59 seats. And but for the sudden killing of Mr Rajiv, which won the Congress scores of seats, both the BJP and the Congress would have been around 175 seats. This was particularly remarkable, because on this occasion the BJP had fought all alone. It had emerged as the only major solid pole in a fluid Indian political situation.
In assessing the BJP other parties make a serious mistake. They forget that as a result of our first-past-the-post electoral system, the first party has an undue advantage over No.2 Party. But the BJP, being a solid party and a solid pole, can always survive adverse winds and live to thrive another day. In 1984 the BJP had won only 2 seats, but in terms of vote it was second only to the Congress. Under a system of proportional representation its 7.4% vote would have won it 30-40 seats even in 1984. Therefore its win of 89 seats in 1989 was not all that much of a surprise. Parties like JD, being loose outfits, are in no position to survive serious reverses.
This trend has been confirmed in State Assembly elections. In the 1993 elections the BJP vote and seats declined in HP and MP thanks to strict administrative measures for which public opinion had not been prepared in advance. In UP the party lost its majority due to a gang-up of all other parties against it, but its popular vote went up by almost 30% to 34%. In Rajasthan both our vote and our seats went up. And in Delhi we got a whopping 61.59% and a three-fourths majority. In these five major states put together BJP won a hundred assembly seats and once crore votes more than the Congress.
UNSTOPPABLE BJP
The results of the 1995 elections in Andhra, Karnataka, Bihar, Orissa, Goa, Gujarat and Maharashtra were, if anything, even more remarkable. In Andhra the main fight being between TDP and the Congress the BJP got squeezed to just 3 seats. But in Karnataka BJP won 40 seats, pushing the Congress to the third position. In Goa, for the first time the BJP won 4 seats in a house of 60. In Orissa BJP trebled its modest strength from 3 to 10. In Bihar BJP pushed Congress to the third position and emerged as the official opposition. In Maharashtra, Shiv Sena and the BJP have formed a fine coalition government. And in Gujarat the BJP has won a two-thirds majority. It is trends like these that have convinced even the detractors of BJP that the party is now "unstoppable".
Conventional wisdom is that the BJP won 89 Lok Sabha seats in 1989 as a result of seat adjustments with JD and 119 seats in 1991 as a result of the Ayodhya issue. The fact is that these were only contributory factors. The BJP's historic performance in the recent assembly elections, when there was no seat adjustment with other parties and when the Ayodhya issue stood frozen, is confirmation of the fact that basically the BJP is forging ahead because of its excellent organisation, superb leadership and patriotic people's policies.
When, in 1991, the Congress formed the Government on its own, even though it did not have a majority of its own, the BJP acted very responsibly and helped it have a speaker of its choice, contnt with deputy speakership of the Lok Sabha. Having been all along opposed to a licence-permit-quota Raj it welcomed the policy of liberalization in principle. At long last New Delhi recognised Israel and South Africa, something the BJP had urged for long. BJP also took a far-sighted view of reservations - conceding the same to OBCs on the basis of an economic criterion, which translated itself in the Supreme Court judgement into the "creamy layer".
BJP state governments enunciated a new education policy; they made copying in exams a congnisable offence; they decentralized the administration; their Antyodaya took care of the poorest of the land; they waived the loans of poor farmers; and they made war on criminal elements and put them in jail.
CONGRESS DOUBLE-DEALING
But before long the double-dealing of the Congress came to surface. They organised defections in JD, SS etc. to give themselves a majority that the country had withheld from them. They kept playing games with Ayodhya resulting in the December 6, 1992 demolition of the disputed structure. While those who welcomed that demolition congratulated the Sangh parivar, and those who didn't like it condemned the Parivar, the fact is that the Parivar leadership does not know who did it. We all wanted it removed respectfully and through due process of law. What actually happened was no part of our plan. It is, therefore, a mystery wrapped in a riddle inside an enigma. And now comes the revelation by Shri Arjun Singh in his letter of resignation from the Cabinet that on December 1, 1992, he had sent the PM a copy of a fax message sent by an active Congress worker from Ayodhya, which said: "There is indication that some agent provocateurs from Pakistan have been able to infiltrate into Ayodhya and would try to damage the Babri Masjid if the VHP Kar-sevaks fail in their mission to do the same." The VHP had no such mission. But the point is, why was this fax message kept out of government's White Paper on Ayodhya? Obviously the object of Pakistan and its friends and allies was to trigger Hindu-Muslim violence, culminating in the Bombay serial bombing, give India a bad name and slow down the Indian economy. There are reports that on December 6 evening there was a celebration in Pakistan High Commission in New Delhi. But additionally the government used the incident as an excuse to dismiss four state governments, dissolve four state assemblies, and arrest top BJP leaders.
Meanwhile, in the name of liberalisation and globalisation foreign banks and unscrupulous speculators were allowed to cheat the country of thousands of crores through the securities scam and the government did not have the decency to accept even the unanimous report of the joint Parliamentary Committee on the subject. Many more thousands of crores have been lost on businessmen who have not returned their loans to nationalised banks. On the other hand even profit-making public sector undertakings are being sold. The result of all this is an unprecedented rise in prices. The BJP has responded with an yearly alternative budget, showing how the growth rate could be accelerated while augmenting employment and holding the price line.
However, potentially even more dangerous is the government's knuckling under to foreign pressure on issue after issue, compromising our soveriegnty and endangering our very independence.
While the BJP is for liberalisation we find that we have liberalised too little internally and too much externally. Even now we need a licence to start a sugar mill or a shoe factory. And of course the corrupt "Inspector Raj" continues to harass the small-scale manufacturer who is the backbone of Indian Industry. But foreigners have been allowed to come in even with junk foods.
CLEAR BJP POSITION
The BJP position is very clear on this issue; Indian Science and technology have come of age, as examplified by our Defence and Research Development Organisation. Therefore, foreign capital is welcome only in capital intensive hightech and infrastructural areas, however, it must come on fair and competitive terms. And because Enron was an opaque, expensive and dubious deal it has been cancelled by the BJP-RSS government in Maharashtra. This has protected national interests and upheld national honor. The new watchword is "Swadeshi". The world has been told in unmistakable terms that India cannot be taken for granted. The entire thrid world feels good about India standing up.
Vindication of the BJP position comes from no less person than Samual D. Huntington, the US Establishment ideologue. In his article "The Clash of Civilizations" (vide Foreign Affairs Quarterly, Summer 1993) he wrote: "Through the IMF and other international economic institutions, the West promotes its economic interests and imposes on other nations the economic policies it thinks appropriate. In any poll of non-Western peoples the IMF undoubtedly would win the support of finance ministers and a few others, but get an overwhelmingly unfavourable rating from just about everyone else."
Today, strong foreign pressure, New Delhi's pussillanimity and nationalist India's strength are all simultaneously at play in the country. Under foreign presure our missile program has been capped. In its timidity the government has signed an unequal agreement with CNN and the country is being increasingly served cultural garbage. But the people of India represented in the Rajya Sabha have, under the leadership of the BJP, taken a stand on all these issues. They have also prevented an anti-national patent law amendment bill from being passed. And they have acclaimed the cancellation of the Enron deal. They caused the Star-TV's anti-Gandhi and anti-national program to stop. And they have made the government agree to start and close Parliament session with "Vandematram". The BJP's Ekta Yatra under the leadership of Dr Joshi hoisted the national flag in Srinagar on Republic Day in 1992. And the BJP's Karnatak unit saw to it that the National Flag is duly hoisted on the Hubli public ground, which is used for Namaz on Id-days.
While the Supreme Court faltered on the issue of Article 356 of the Constitution to dismiss four BJP governments, it has come out categorically for implementation of Article 44 of the Constitution, directing the adoption of a uniform civil code for all citizens of India. It has denounced the embracing of Islam just to get rid of your wife and/or indulge in bigamy. And it has struck down the ban on the VHP. Today the BJP is poised to take a great leap forward.
Calculators think that the arithmatic does not quite add up to a majority for the BJP. They, however, forget one thing: elections are not arithmatic; they are chemistry. Once it becomes clear that the BJP is poised to forge ahead of all other parties millions of people who have probably never before voted for it will plump for it. Regional parties could make a beeline for it. The UP development where the BJP helped a dalit lady become Chief Minister 'Ram ne Shabri ko raja banaya', said a Hindi newspaper headline is a pointer in this direction.
Until now the TINA (There Is No Alternative) factor worked in favor of the Congress. Now it works in favor of the BJP. Having tried state elections in 1967, support from inside in 1977, and support from outside in 1989, and found them all wanting, the BJP has, by a philosophical process of elemination - "neti" - come to the conclusion that it would be best to go it alone. The poet's plea for going it alone ("Aikla Chalo Re") has literally worked wonders for the BJP.
While the status-quoists may be shaken by this emerging brave new India, the people of India have every reason to cheer the emergence of this rejuvenated India with the promise of Ram Rajya and with Rabindranath Tagore's prayer for "Eka Dharmarajya hable a Bharate" (Let there be one Dharma Rajya - a just and moral order - in India).
Satyameva Jayate.
History is the philosophy of nations. And the Sangh Parivar has a very clear and candid conception of Indian history. Here was a great civilization whose glory spread from Sri Lanka to Java and Japan and from Tibet and Mangolia to China and Siberia. While it weathered the storms of Huns and Shakas and Greeks it wilted before the Islamic storms of the Turks. However, a 1000-year resistance saw this country bloodied but unbowed. Its civilization survived through the heroic efforts of the Vijayanagar Empire and of Shivaji, Rana Pratap and Guru Govind Singh and countless heroes and martyrs.
In more recent times this torch was picked up by Swami Dayanand and Swami Vivekanada. And in the present century the good work has been carried on by Sri Aurobindo, Lokmanya Tilak, Mahatma Gandhi and others. The RSS, founded by Dr Hedgewar in 1925 and consolidated by Shri Guruji after 1940, is the heir to this heroic, historic heritage. It has nothing against Muslim Indians - as distinguished from Muslim invaders. Its position on this issue has all along been: "Justice for all and appeasement of none". But it has no doubt that we were and are a Hindu nation; that change of faith cannot mean change of nationality.
The Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh
The RSS entirely agrees with Gandhiji's formulations that "There is in Hinduism room enough for Jesus, as there is for Mohammed, Zoroster and Moses" and that "majority of the Muslims of India are converts to that faith from Hinduism through force of circumstances. They are still Hindu in many essential ways and, in a free, prosperous, progressive India, they would find it the most natural thing in the world to revert to their ancient faith and ways of life."
Due to the British policy of "Divide and Rule" and the politicians' proclivity to compromise and temporise the country suffered the trauma of the partition. But the Sangh Parivar has no doubt that before very long the unities, the varieties and the strengths of our ancient civilization will prevail. RSS has been continuing the task of nation building since its inception. It did it through the tumultuous period of 1930s and 40s. But it was rudely shaken by Gandhiji's killing and the Government's political exploitation of that national tragedy.
The RSS, along with millions of people, did not approve of Gandhiji's Muslim appeasement policy - starting with support of the Khilafat movement - but it had the greatest respect for the Mahatma. Indeed, Gandhiji had visited the RSS winter camp in Wardha in December 1934 - and addressed the Delhi RSS workers in Bhangi colony, in Spetember 1947. He had deeply appreciated the "noble sentiments" and "astonishing discipline" of the RSS. He had never spoken even one word of criticism of the RSS. But after his killing, 17000 RSS workers - including Shri Guruji - were accused of "conspiracy of murder" the Mahatma Gandhi and the RSS workers offered Satyagraha. But during all this time not one MLA or MP raised the issue in any legislature. For the RSS, it was the moment of truth. And this truth, as enunciated by Gokhale, was that "What cuts deep in politics cuts deep all round" and that unless the RSS grew political teeth and wings, it would always be at the mercy of unscrupulous politicians. This was the context in which Shri Guruji blessed the birth of Bhartiya Jana Sangh under the leadership of Dr. Syama Prasad Mookerjee in 1951. And in the very first General Elections the BJS emerged as one of the four nationally recognised parties. The Party has never looked back since then.
THE FIRST DECADE
The first decade was a period of steady growth organisationally and policy evolution and elaboration ideologically. It took up the issues of territorial integrity like Kashmir, Kutch and Berubari - and in the process suffered the martyrdom of its founder-President Dr Mookerjee in a Kashmir jail. It demanded cow protection as per Article 48 of the Constitution and Gandhiji's declaration that "Cow protection is more important than even Swarajya". It came out against Zamindari and Jagirdari. It criticised permit- licence-quota Raj. And it came out for the nuclear option to reinforce national defence. The 1962 China war and 1965 Pakistan war put Sangh Parivar on the center-stage as the conscience of the country. When the RSS Parivar was entrusted with police duties in 1965, and it performed the same to the satisfaction of all-even Muslims began to join Jana Sangh. Shri Guruji was specially invited to the National Integration Council. General Kulwant Singh said at the time: "Punjab is the sword arm of India and RSS is the sword arm of Punjab."
In all countries, parties associated with the freedom movement enjoy long years of power. So did the Congress - for 20 years. But the 1967 elections ended the Congress monopoly of power. From Punjab to Bengal there were non-Congress coalitions everywhere. As a political wit put it: "You could travel from Amritsar to Calcutta without setting foot in Congress territory."
In most of the States Jana Sangh and the Communists worked together. They seemed to be guided by the dictum: "We are all children of Bharat mata and we are all products of the 20th century."
However, this was more than the monopolistic Congress could stand. It used its vast money power and its capacity for intrigue to topple government after state government.
But even so Jana Sangh did not lose heart. Under the leadership of Pt. Deendayal Upadhyaya it held a tremendous session in Calicut. Here it clarified its language policy of "All encouragement to all Indian languages" to the delight of all linguistic groups. The Mathrubhumi, leading Malayali daily, described the BJS session "the Ganga flowing South."
However, within days of this historic session Deendayalji was found murdered near Mugalsarai railway station. In good faith the BJS asked for a CBI enquiry. But the way CBI drew blank made it clear that Central Agency has been politicised and that it would never unravel political crime.
Although the murder of Deendayalji was a stunning shock the BJS was too big and too strong to be stopped in its tracks. Under the leadership of Shri Atal Behari Vajpayee, it enthussiastically joined the movement for the libera- tion of Bangladesh. Its agitation for a higher procurement price for cereals gave the country food sufficiency and food security. Its election manifesto for 1971 was titled "War on Poverty". The Congress stole that slogan and hindi-ised it into "Garibi hatao" and swept the 1971 and 1972 polls. But once again Jana Sangh was too good and strong to be overwhelmed by the ebb and tide of politics.
JP's RESPONSE
In election after by-election Jana Sangh showed its class. It joined hands with Jaya Prakash Narayan on the issue of fighting corruption and autocracy. The BJS was in the vanguard of the people's movement in Bihar and Gujarat. To the professional detractors of Jana Sangh JP's categorical response was: "If Jana Sangh is communal then I am also communal." As the opposition parties won election after by-election, the cry ran through the country: "Sinhasan khali karo, ki janata aati hai". A scared Mrs. Gandhi declared Emergency, arrested thousands and baned the RSS. But the country survived this agni-pariksha, thanks again to the Sangh parivar, which contributed full 80% of Emergency-time prisoners, both detenus and Satyagrahis.
Mrs. Gandhi was astounded enough to admit in the Chandigarh Session of the Congress in 1975 that "even in places where the RSS was an unknown organisation it has established a firm foothold." The Economist of London (Dec.4 1970) described the underground movement of the Sangh parivar as "the only non-left revolutionary force in the world." And even Marxist parliamentary party leader Shri AK Gopalan was moved to say about the Sangh parivar: "There is some lofty idea which is capable of inspiring such deeds of bravery and stamina for sacrifices."
As a result of this successful resistance Mrs Gandhi's Congress Party was trounced in the 1977 elections and a Janata party government consisting of BJS, BLD, Cong(O), SOcialists and CFD took office. Here Shri Vajpayee as External Affairs Minister and Shri. L.K Advani as information and broadcasting minister made memorable name. But within thirty months this government went into pieces, thanks to the vaulting ambition of individual leaders. The Janata experiment miserably failed.
In the elections that followed the fall of Charan Singh government, countless crores of foreign money came into play. The Stateman pointed out on Feb.11, 1980 that the Rupee, which normally sold at a discount in the world's black markets, now began to sell at a premium. As against this official rate of Rs 7.91 to a dollar on January 4 the unofficial rate of Rs 7.20. "Those who keep tabs on money markets attributed this sudden rise in the black market value of the Indian currency to big orders from unknown buyers, believed to include some foreign governments keen to funnel funds into the election coffer of the ideological allies and friends in India". After the elections, in the very first week of February, 1980, the Indian currency fell even lower than before, to Rs 8 a dolalr to be precise.
While the splintered Janata Party was routed in January 1980, their suicidal "dual memebership" campaign continued. The BJS component found this situation impossible, went out and reorganised itself as BHARATIYA JANATA PARTY. A bright new day had dawned in the chequered history of India.
The very first session of BJP in December 1980 in Bombay, presided over by Shri Vajpayee, was a glorious success. Addressing this session the Grand Old Man of India, Shri M.C. Chagla, said: "I am not a member of the party and I am not addressing you as a delegate. Still I assure you that when I am talking to you I do not feel like an outsider. I honestly and sincerely feel that I am one of you. The BJP is a national party. I admire your discipline, your honesty, and your dedication. This huge gathering is Bombay's answer to Indira. This is the only party that can replace Indira."
It was during the Indira Gandhi's second coming that the country experienced the trauma of Meenakshipuram and the massacre of Nellie.
However, her worst disservice to the country was the propping up of Bhindranwale - till then an obscure granthi - to harass and divide the Akali Dal. To this day the country has not recovered from that play with fire, the latest victim of the same being Punjab Chief Minister Beant Singh.
No less dangerous was her aiding, abeting, arming, and financing of LTTE which was out to partition a friendly neighbouring state like Sri Lanka.
And when her political son died in an unfortunate and mysterious air accident she promptly put up even her airline pilot son to succeed her and try to pilot the ship of State.
The BJP, while exposing all these sins of ommission and commission, continued to consolidate its organisation and fine-tune its policies. It won election after after corporation election in major cities. The general feeling was that Mrs. Gandhi would not be able to win the next election due early in 1985. And President Zail Singh was heard saying that in that case he would not call her to form the Government. It was at this stage that she was shot dead by enraged Sikhs for having violated the sanctity of the Golden Temple in Amritsar. What followed was a titanic tragedy, costing the lives of thousands of Sikhs and their property worth some Rs 10,000 crores. The whole carnage was okayed by the state apparatus, with President Zail Singh himself ringing up the Delhi BJP leaders to please save the lives of their Sikh brethern. The whole gory drama was staged under Mr. Rajiv as PM and Mr. Rao as Home Minister. No wonder nobody was punished for this genocide of innocent Sikhs.
THE RAJIV REGIME
In the elections that followed the sympathy wave got Mr. Rajiv Gandhi more votes and more seats than even Pandit Nehru in all his three general elections. For a while he appeared as Prince Charming on a White Charger, the 'Mr. Clean', out to purge "power brokers". However, it soon became clear that it is much easier to run an election than to run a country.
He signed an agreement with Shri Longowal of the Akali Dal, but never implemented it. He signed an Assam agreement that left millions of Bangla infiltrators this side of the border. he first welcomed the Supreme Court judgement in the Shah Bano Case and then proceeded to negate it. Having done this "favor" to Muslims he proceeded to organise the unlocking of the Ayodhya structure in a bid to please the Hindus.
He despatched the army to Sri Lanka only to get a bloody nose there.
However, the BJP lost no time in preparing for the next round. It appointed a high power Working Group to study the results of the 1984 elections and recommend remedial action. The Party streamlined its organisation. It re-pledged itself to "Integral Humanism". It urged early and comprehensive electoral reform. And it highlighted the problem of massive infiltration from Bangladesh. Within two years of Rajiv Gandhi's coming to office the BJP had slapped on him a 50-count chargesheet. And then came the Bofors scandal.
That a ruling party should make money on Government contracts was bad enough. But that it should make money on Defence deals, compromising national defence was wholly unacceptable to the country. The fat was in the fire.
In the 1989 elections the Janata Dal effected adjustments of seats with the BJP and proceeded to form the Government with outside support from the BJP and the Communists.
From day one Shri VP Singh did not play ball. The BJP had pledged him unconditional support, which was probably a mistake; there is no charity in politics; no free lunch. BJP should have probably made it clear that it should be consulted on all major issues. But Mr VP Singh on his part only added insult to injury. The BJP had made no demand on him whatsoever. But whenever any of his colleagues suggested some gesture to be made to BJP he was heard saying: "I do not have to give them anything; they have no choice." Evidently the Raja Saheb thought that BJP was his "bonded labour."
As BJP president Advani was heard remarking at the time: "Mr VP Singh is like an old-style princeling. He is all courtesy and all conspiracy". He would tell Advani that he himself would join him in Kar-Seva and then issued a temple ordinance only to withdraw it within hurs and have Shri Advani arrested.
Shri VP Singh suddenly came up with the Mandal report, not because his heart was bleeding for the poor but because he thought that, on this issue, he could dissolve the House to go to the polls, collect some 350 seats and rule the country on his own without the bother of consulting anybody on anything. But it was a gamble that failed, because the BJP had already raised the Ayodhya issue. And it had done so early in 1989, not on the basis of any electoral calculation, but on ideological conviction. Historic wrongs had to be righted, however, symbolically, for a lasting solution of the Hindu-Muslim problem.
SEA CHANGE IN POLITICAL SCENE
Shri Advani's Rath Yatra from Somnath to Ayodhya effected a sea change in the political scene. While Mandal had divided the people, Ayodhya united the people. What violence there was in 1990 came only because the government arrested Shri Advani and the UP Chief Minister fired on Kar-Sevaks. Had they allowed Advani to reach Ayodhya and do symbolic Kar-Seva there would have been no Bandh, no violence, anywhere.
Shri VP Singh thought that BJP had secured 89 seats in 1989 because of seat adjustment with JD, and that was true enough. But he forgot that his JD had also got 143 seats only because of seat adjustment with the BJP. He now thought that in the absence of seat adjustment the BJP would lose scores of seats. Actually the BJP would lose scores of seats. Actually the BJO added 30 seats to its old score and it was the JD that declined to 59 seats. And but for the sudden killing of Mr Rajiv, which won the Congress scores of seats, both the BJP and the Congress would have been around 175 seats. This was particularly remarkable, because on this occasion the BJP had fought all alone. It had emerged as the only major solid pole in a fluid Indian political situation.
In assessing the BJP other parties make a serious mistake. They forget that as a result of our first-past-the-post electoral system, the first party has an undue advantage over No.2 Party. But the BJP, being a solid party and a solid pole, can always survive adverse winds and live to thrive another day. In 1984 the BJP had won only 2 seats, but in terms of vote it was second only to the Congress. Under a system of proportional representation its 7.4% vote would have won it 30-40 seats even in 1984. Therefore its win of 89 seats in 1989 was not all that much of a surprise. Parties like JD, being loose outfits, are in no position to survive serious reverses.
This trend has been confirmed in State Assembly elections. In the 1993 elections the BJP vote and seats declined in HP and MP thanks to strict administrative measures for which public opinion had not been prepared in advance. In UP the party lost its majority due to a gang-up of all other parties against it, but its popular vote went up by almost 30% to 34%. In Rajasthan both our vote and our seats went up. And in Delhi we got a whopping 61.59% and a three-fourths majority. In these five major states put together BJP won a hundred assembly seats and once crore votes more than the Congress.
UNSTOPPABLE BJP
The results of the 1995 elections in Andhra, Karnataka, Bihar, Orissa, Goa, Gujarat and Maharashtra were, if anything, even more remarkable. In Andhra the main fight being between TDP and the Congress the BJP got squeezed to just 3 seats. But in Karnataka BJP won 40 seats, pushing the Congress to the third position. In Goa, for the first time the BJP won 4 seats in a house of 60. In Orissa BJP trebled its modest strength from 3 to 10. In Bihar BJP pushed Congress to the third position and emerged as the official opposition. In Maharashtra, Shiv Sena and the BJP have formed a fine coalition government. And in Gujarat the BJP has won a two-thirds majority. It is trends like these that have convinced even the detractors of BJP that the party is now "unstoppable".
Conventional wisdom is that the BJP won 89 Lok Sabha seats in 1989 as a result of seat adjustments with JD and 119 seats in 1991 as a result of the Ayodhya issue. The fact is that these were only contributory factors. The BJP's historic performance in the recent assembly elections, when there was no seat adjustment with other parties and when the Ayodhya issue stood frozen, is confirmation of the fact that basically the BJP is forging ahead because of its excellent organisation, superb leadership and patriotic people's policies.
When, in 1991, the Congress formed the Government on its own, even though it did not have a majority of its own, the BJP acted very responsibly and helped it have a speaker of its choice, contnt with deputy speakership of the Lok Sabha. Having been all along opposed to a licence-permit-quota Raj it welcomed the policy of liberalization in principle. At long last New Delhi recognised Israel and South Africa, something the BJP had urged for long. BJP also took a far-sighted view of reservations - conceding the same to OBCs on the basis of an economic criterion, which translated itself in the Supreme Court judgement into the "creamy layer".
BJP state governments enunciated a new education policy; they made copying in exams a congnisable offence; they decentralized the administration; their Antyodaya took care of the poorest of the land; they waived the loans of poor farmers; and they made war on criminal elements and put them in jail.
CONGRESS DOUBLE-DEALING
But before long the double-dealing of the Congress came to surface. They organised defections in JD, SS etc. to give themselves a majority that the country had withheld from them. They kept playing games with Ayodhya resulting in the December 6, 1992 demolition of the disputed structure. While those who welcomed that demolition congratulated the Sangh parivar, and those who didn't like it condemned the Parivar, the fact is that the Parivar leadership does not know who did it. We all wanted it removed respectfully and through due process of law. What actually happened was no part of our plan. It is, therefore, a mystery wrapped in a riddle inside an enigma. And now comes the revelation by Shri Arjun Singh in his letter of resignation from the Cabinet that on December 1, 1992, he had sent the PM a copy of a fax message sent by an active Congress worker from Ayodhya, which said: "There is indication that some agent provocateurs from Pakistan have been able to infiltrate into Ayodhya and would try to damage the Babri Masjid if the VHP Kar-sevaks fail in their mission to do the same." The VHP had no such mission. But the point is, why was this fax message kept out of government's White Paper on Ayodhya? Obviously the object of Pakistan and its friends and allies was to trigger Hindu-Muslim violence, culminating in the Bombay serial bombing, give India a bad name and slow down the Indian economy. There are reports that on December 6 evening there was a celebration in Pakistan High Commission in New Delhi. But additionally the government used the incident as an excuse to dismiss four state governments, dissolve four state assemblies, and arrest top BJP leaders.
Meanwhile, in the name of liberalisation and globalisation foreign banks and unscrupulous speculators were allowed to cheat the country of thousands of crores through the securities scam and the government did not have the decency to accept even the unanimous report of the joint Parliamentary Committee on the subject. Many more thousands of crores have been lost on businessmen who have not returned their loans to nationalised banks. On the other hand even profit-making public sector undertakings are being sold. The result of all this is an unprecedented rise in prices. The BJP has responded with an yearly alternative budget, showing how the growth rate could be accelerated while augmenting employment and holding the price line.
However, potentially even more dangerous is the government's knuckling under to foreign pressure on issue after issue, compromising our soveriegnty and endangering our very independence.
While the BJP is for liberalisation we find that we have liberalised too little internally and too much externally. Even now we need a licence to start a sugar mill or a shoe factory. And of course the corrupt "Inspector Raj" continues to harass the small-scale manufacturer who is the backbone of Indian Industry. But foreigners have been allowed to come in even with junk foods.
CLEAR BJP POSITION
The BJP position is very clear on this issue; Indian Science and technology have come of age, as examplified by our Defence and Research Development Organisation. Therefore, foreign capital is welcome only in capital intensive hightech and infrastructural areas, however, it must come on fair and competitive terms. And because Enron was an opaque, expensive and dubious deal it has been cancelled by the BJP-RSS government in Maharashtra. This has protected national interests and upheld national honor. The new watchword is "Swadeshi". The world has been told in unmistakable terms that India cannot be taken for granted. The entire thrid world feels good about India standing up.
Vindication of the BJP position comes from no less person than Samual D. Huntington, the US Establishment ideologue. In his article "The Clash of Civilizations" (vide Foreign Affairs Quarterly, Summer 1993) he wrote: "Through the IMF and other international economic institutions, the West promotes its economic interests and imposes on other nations the economic policies it thinks appropriate. In any poll of non-Western peoples the IMF undoubtedly would win the support of finance ministers and a few others, but get an overwhelmingly unfavourable rating from just about everyone else."
Today, strong foreign pressure, New Delhi's pussillanimity and nationalist India's strength are all simultaneously at play in the country. Under foreign presure our missile program has been capped. In its timidity the government has signed an unequal agreement with CNN and the country is being increasingly served cultural garbage. But the people of India represented in the Rajya Sabha have, under the leadership of the BJP, taken a stand on all these issues. They have also prevented an anti-national patent law amendment bill from being passed. And they have acclaimed the cancellation of the Enron deal. They caused the Star-TV's anti-Gandhi and anti-national program to stop. And they have made the government agree to start and close Parliament session with "Vandematram". The BJP's Ekta Yatra under the leadership of Dr Joshi hoisted the national flag in Srinagar on Republic Day in 1992. And the BJP's Karnatak unit saw to it that the National Flag is duly hoisted on the Hubli public ground, which is used for Namaz on Id-days.
While the Supreme Court faltered on the issue of Article 356 of the Constitution to dismiss four BJP governments, it has come out categorically for implementation of Article 44 of the Constitution, directing the adoption of a uniform civil code for all citizens of India. It has denounced the embracing of Islam just to get rid of your wife and/or indulge in bigamy. And it has struck down the ban on the VHP. Today the BJP is poised to take a great leap forward.
Calculators think that the arithmatic does not quite add up to a majority for the BJP. They, however, forget one thing: elections are not arithmatic; they are chemistry. Once it becomes clear that the BJP is poised to forge ahead of all other parties millions of people who have probably never before voted for it will plump for it. Regional parties could make a beeline for it. The UP development where the BJP helped a dalit lady become Chief Minister 'Ram ne Shabri ko raja banaya', said a Hindi newspaper headline is a pointer in this direction.
Until now the TINA (There Is No Alternative) factor worked in favor of the Congress. Now it works in favor of the BJP. Having tried state elections in 1967, support from inside in 1977, and support from outside in 1989, and found them all wanting, the BJP has, by a philosophical process of elemination - "neti" - come to the conclusion that it would be best to go it alone. The poet's plea for going it alone ("Aikla Chalo Re") has literally worked wonders for the BJP.
While the status-quoists may be shaken by this emerging brave new India, the people of India have every reason to cheer the emergence of this rejuvenated India with the promise of Ram Rajya and with Rabindranath Tagore's prayer for "Eka Dharmarajya hable a Bharate" (Let there be one Dharma Rajya - a just and moral order - in India).
Satyameva Jayate.
Constitution and Rules
| PDF Hindi Format |
| CONSTITUTIOIN |
| AND |
| RULES |
| BHARATIYA JANATA PARTY |
Article I : NAME
The name of the Party shall be “Bharatiya Janata Party” (hereinafter referred to as “The Party”).
Article II : OBJECTIVE
The Party is pledged to build up India as a strong and prosperous nation, which is modern, progressive and enlightened in outlook and which proudly draws inspiration from India's ancient culture and values and thus is able to emerge as a great world power playing an effective role in the comity of nations for the establishment of world peace and a just international order.
The party aims at establishing a democratic state which guarantees to all citizens irrespective of caste, creed or sex, political, social and economic justice, equality of opportunity and liberty of faith and expression.
The Party shall bear true faith and allegiance to the Constitution of India as by law established and to the principles of socialism, secularism and democracy and would uphold the sovereignty, unity and integrity of India.
Article III : BASIC PHILOSOPHY
Integral Humanism shall be the basic philosophy of the Party.
Article IV : COMMITMENTS
The Party shall be committed to nationalism and national integration, democracy, 'Gandhian approach to socio-economic issues leading to the establishment of an egalitarian society free from exploitation', Positive Secularism, that is, 'Sarva Dharma Samabhav' and value-based politics. The party stands for decentralisation of economic and political power.
Article V : FLAG
The Flag of the Party shall comprise of two vertical colours saffron and green, in the ratio of 2:1 with the election symbol of the Party in blue colour in the middle of the saffron portion equal to half of its size. The green portion will be near the mast.
Article VI : ELECTION SYMBOL
The election symbol of the Party shall be “Lotus.”
Article VII : ORGANISATIONAL STRUCTURE
1. National level :
(a) The Plenary or Special Session of the Party;(b) The National Council; and
(c) The National Executive.
2. State level :
(a) State Council; and
(b) State Executive.
(b) State Executive.
3. Regional Committees.
4. District Committees.
5. Mandal Committees.
6. Gram/Shahari Kendra
7. Local Committees.
Note :
The area of a Mandal or a Local Committee will be determined by the State Executive concerned. No Local Committee shall have more than 5000 population.
- Area of a District shall ordinarily be the same as of an administrative district in a State unless the State Executive determines otherwise, but all cities with more than 5 lakh population may be treated as separate districts.
- A city area with more than 20 lakh population may be divided into more than one District as may be determined by the State Executive concerned.
Article VIII : AREA OF STATE UNITS
The State Units of the Party conform to the State and Union territories mentioned in the Constitution of India.
Provided that the National Executive may sanction setting up of Regional Committees for a metropolitan area or any of the specified area within the jurisdiction of the State Unit. The powers and functions of such committees shall be defined by rules made by the National Executive.
Article IX : MEMBERSHIP
| (A) | 1. | Any Indian citizen of the age of 18 years or above who accepts Articles II, III and IV of the Constitution shall, on making a written declaration in the Membership Form (Form A) and on payment of a prescribed subscription, become a member of the Party, provided that he is not a member of any other political party. |
| 2. | The term of membership will ordinarily be of 6 years (as decided by the National Executive from time to time). With the beginning of the new term all members of the Party will have to fill membership form again. In the meantime membership will cease by death, resignation or removal. | |
| 3. | No person shall become a member except in his place of permanent residence or where he carries on his usual vocation but at one time he shall not be a member at more than one place | |
| The member will have to apply in writing to the District/State concerned for a change of place. | ||
| (B) | The subscription received from the members shall be distributed in the following proportion among the units every three years : National 10% State 15% District 25% Mandal 50% |
Article X : TERM
The term of each Council/Executive/Committee and all office-bearers and members thereof shall ordinarily be three years.
Article XI : REGISTER OF MEMBERS
- A register of Primary members of local committee area-wise shall be prepared by the Mandal committee duly authenticated and certified by the District Executive in accordance with the rules prescribed by the National Executive. A copy of the verified Membership Register will be sent to the concerned Local Committee and the District Committee.
- The register so prepared shall contain the full name, father's/husband's name, age, occupation, address, serial number of membership form and the date of enrolment of every member as well as the year and membership form number of his first enrolment in the Bharatiya Janata Party.
XII : ACTIVE MEMBER
- To become an active member of the Party
(a) His membership of the Party should not be less than 3 years. (b) He will deposit an amount of Rs. 100/- (personally or by collection) alongwith his active membership form. Even if his form is not accepted this amount would not be refunded. (c) He will participate in programmes of party including agitational programmes. The concerned unit will keep the record of his participation. (d) He will subscribe to party magazine-state or central. - Only an active member will be eligible to contest elections for a Mandal Committee or become member of any committee or council above the level of a Mandal Committee.
- At the beginning of every term each Active Member will fill Form Band submit it to his District Office.
- For every term all active members enrolement forms would be forwarded with the recommendation of the District President. These forms will be considered by a three member sub-Committee, two of whom will be appointed by the District President and one to be appointed by the State President who will be the Chairman of the Sub-Committee.
The Committee may exempt certain cases as laid down in sub-rule 1 (a) and (c) The decision of the Sub-Committee will be notified at the District office.
An appeal against the decision of the District Sub-Committee shall lie within 10 days with a three-member Committee constituted by the State Executive.
A second appeal against the decision of state three-member committee will lie with a three member National committee nominated by the National President.
Accepted forms will be sent back to the District office where a Mandal-wise list will be prepared. - The list of active membership shall contain the full name, ather's/husband's name, age, occupation, address, Form and serial Nos. of his/her first time membership of the Party, serial number and date of active membership form and such other details as are required from time to time.
- One computerised copy each of the Mandal-wise list of active members prepared by the District Committee will be sent to the Mandal, State and Central Office.
- An active member will be eligible to take part in Party elections only from areas with which his Mandal is directly linked at the District and State level.
- No active member will be prevented from contesting party elections on charges of disciplinary action against him after the announcement of election schedule by the National Executive.
Article XII (A) : CATEGORISATION OF STATES
(a) The States shall be divided into 3 Categories :
Category 1 - The States that have got 3 or less than 3 Lok Sabha seats.
Category 2 - The states that have got 4 to 20 Lok Sabha seats.
Category 3 - The states that have got 21 or more Lok Sabha seats.
Category 1 - The States that have got 3 or less than 3 Lok Sabha seats.
Category 2 - The states that have got 4 to 20 Lok Sabha seats.
Category 3 - The states that have got 21 or more Lok Sabha seats.
(b) The State/Union Terretory, where the exsiting 4-tier organisational system is not feasible, may adopt a suitable system with the prior consent of the National President.
Article XIII : LOCAL COMMITTEE
- A local committee area must have as many as possible, and in any case at least 25 members.
- The President and members of a local committee, will be elected by all the members of the area as prescribed by the rules.
- The local committee shall be divided into 4 categories:
(1) Local Committee having 25 to 49 members.
(2) Local Committee having 50 to 149 members.
(3) Local Committee having 150 to 299 members.
(4) Local Committee having 300 members and above. - For category (1) Local Committee, President and 12 members will be elected out of which at least four shall be women. The President will nominate two Secretaries from amongst the members.
For category (2) Local Committee, President and 18 members will be elected out of which at least six shall be women. The President will nominate one General Secretary and two Secretaries from among the members. Out of which one shall be woman.
For category (3) Local Committee, President and 24 members will be elected out of which at least 8 shall be women. The President will nominate two Vice-Presisent one General Secretary and two Secretaries from among the members. Among the office bearers, there shall be at least two women.
For category (4) Local Committee, President and 30 members will be elected out of which at least 10 shall be women. The President will nominate 3 Vice-Presidents, two General Secretaries and 3 Secretaries from among the members. Among office bearers at least three must be women. - The President must be a member of the party for not less than one year. The District President can waive this one year period in deserving cases.
Article XIII (A) : GRAM KENDRA/SHAHARI KENDRA
A Gram Kendra/Shahari Kendra will have viable number of local Committee units under its jurisdiction which will be decided by the State. The Mandal President will nominate from among Mandal Executive Committee members, a Convener of a Kendra. The local Committee Presidents of the Kendra will be members of the Kendra Committee.
Article XIV : MANDAL COMMITTEE
| 1.(a) | A Mandal Committee of Category 1 state shall consist of a President and not more than 30 members, at least 10 of whom shall be women and 3 belonging to S.C./S.T. The President of the Mandal shall nominate from amongst the members of the Committee, not more than three Vice-Presidents, two General Secretaries, one Treasurer and not more than three Secretaries. Among the office bearers there shall be at least 3 Women and 1 SC/ST |
| (b) | A Mandal Committee of Category 2 state shall consist of a President and not more than 45 members, at least 15 of whom shall be women and 3 belonging to S.C./S.T. The President of the Mandal shall nominate from amongst the members of the Committee not more than four Vice-Presidents, two General Secretaries, one Treasurer and not more than five Secretaries. Among the office bearers there shall be at least 4 women and 1 SC/ST |
| (c) | A Mandal Committee of Category 3 state shall consist of a President and not more than 60 members, at least 20 of whom shall be women and 4 belonging to S.C./S.T. The President of the Mandal shall nominate from amongst the members of the Committee not more than six Vice-Presidents, two General Secretaries, one Treasurer and not more than Six Secretaries Among the office bearers there shall be at least 5 Women and 2 SC/ST |
| 2. | The President and members of the Committee shall be elected by all the elected presidents of at least as many local Committees of the Mandal, the number of which shall be determined by the State Executive. |
| 3. | Only active members can be the Mandal Committee members. The District President can waive this condition of three years period to become an active member in such cases where it is absolutely necessary. |
Article XV : DISTRICT COMMITTEE
| (1)(a) | District Committee of Category 1 states shall consist of a President and not more than 45 members, at least 15 of whom shall be women and 4 belonging to S.C./S.T. The President of the District Committee shall nominate from amongst the members of his Committee not more than four Vice-Presidents, two General Secretaries, one Treasurer and not more than five Secretaries. Among office bearers four will be women, 1 SC/ST. |
| (b) | District Committee of Category 2 states shall consist of a President and not more than 66 members, at least 22 of whom shall be women and 6 belonging to S.C./S.T. The President of the District Committee shall nominate from amongst the members of his Committee not more than six Vice-Presidents, two General Secretaries, One General Secretary (Organisation) one Treasurer and not more than Six Secretaries. Among office bearers Five will be women and two SC/ST. |
| (c) | District Committee of Category 3 state shall consist of a President and not more than 90 members, at least 30 of whom shall be women and 6 belonging to S.C./S.T. The President of the District Committee shall nominate from amongst the members of his Committee not more than eight Vice-Presidents, three General Secretaries, one General Secretary (Organisation), one Treasurer and not more than eight Secretaries. Among office bearers seven will be women and twoSC/ST. |
| (1) A | The members of the Mandal Committee shall elect from among themselves one Mandal Pratinidhi for the election of District President. |
| (2) (a) | The President shall be elected by the Presidents & Mandal Pratinidhis of all the elected Mandal Committees. Any 10% members of the District electoral college should jointly propose any active member for the post of District President, but such proposal should come from at least 1/3 of the elected Mandals. The President will nominate other members of the committee giving due representation to the geographical, professional social and organisational spread. |
| (b) | With the prior consent of the State President, the District President can appoint General Secretary (Organization) even from outside the members of his Committee. He will be a full member of the Committee. |
| 3 | President must be a primary member for a minimum period of six years and other committee members are to be primary members for not less than three years. They must also be active members. In exceptional cases and in the best interest of District Unit the District President can waive this condition for five members at the maximum and with prior permission of the state president. |
| 4. | The number of special invitees in District Executive shall not exceed 20 percent of the total members of the executive besides exoffice permanent invitees. |
Article XVI : STATE COUNCIL
- A State Council shall consists of :
| (a) | Members elected by the District Units as laid down in sub-clause 2. |
| (b) | 10% of Party legislators to be elected by all the members of the legislative party, but not less than 10. If the total number of legislators is below 10, then all of them. |
| (c) | 10% of Party Parliament members from the state, but not less than 3. If the number of Parliament members from the state is below 3, then all of them. |
| (d) | All members of National Council from the State. |
| (e) | All former State Presidents. |
| (f) | All members of the State Executive. |
| (g) | All office-bearers of a Regional Committee. |
| (h) | Leaders of the Party in State Assembly and State Council. |
| (i) | Presidents and General Secretaries of the District Committees in the State. |
| (j) | Party Presidents/Chairmen of Corporations, Municipalities, Zila Parishads and Blocks. |
| (k) | Nominated members (not more than 25) by the State President. |
| (l) | State Presidents of allied Morchas and Cells. |
2. Members of the elected Mandal Committees in a District shall elect members for the State Council equal in number to the number of seats in the State Assembly allocated to the District, provided that these elected members shall include a minimum number of persons belonging to Scheduled Castes/Tribes, equal to the Assembly seats reserved for them from that District. Two Legislative Assembly Constituencies of each District shall be grouped together and divided into Sectors and at least one representative must be elected from each Sector. The demarcation of these sectors shall be made by the State Executive. If the members so elected do not include a woman member and if all the seats of the District are reserved then one additional woman member and one additional representative not belonging to Scheduled Castes/Tribes shall be elected for the State Council from that district.
3. Each member of the State Council shall pay a fee of Rs. 50/-
Article XVII : STATE EXECUTIVE
| 1. (a) | The State Executive of Category 1 states shall consist of a President and not more than 75 members, at least twenty-five (25) of whom shall be women and six (6) belonging to S.C./S.T. |
| (b) | The State Executive of Category 2 state shall consist of a President and not more than 90 members, at least 30 of whom shall be women and 7 belonging to S.C./S.T. |
| (c) | The State Executive of Category 3 state shall consist of a President and not more than 105 members, at least 35 of whom shall be women and not less then 9 SC/ST. |
| 2. | The President shall be elected by members of the State Council from categories (a), (b) and (c) of Article XVI (1) as per rules prescribed by the National Executive. |
| 3. | The President so elected shall nominate his Executive Committee. |
| (1) | The President would nominate from among the members of the Executive of Category 1 State not more than 6 Vice-Presidents, two General Secretaries, one General Secretary (Organization), 6 Secretaries and one Treasurer. Among office bearers 5 will be women and 3 SC/ST. |
| (2) | The President would nominate from among the members of the executive of Category 2 State not more than 8 Vice-Presidents, three General Secretaries, one General Secretary (Organization), 8 Secretaries and one Treasurer. Among office bearers 7 will be women and 3 SC/ST. |
| (3) | The President would nominate from among the members of the Executive of Category 3 State not more than ten Vice-Presidents, four General Secretaries, one General Secretary (Organization), ten Secretaries and one Treasurer. Among office bearers nine will be women and three SC/ST. |
| (4) | Any ten members of state electoral college should jointly propose any person who has been an active member for three terms and a primary member for 10 years, for the post of President. But such joint proposal should come from at least 1/3 of the elected districts. The consent of the candidate is necessary. |
| 5 (a) | The appointment of General Secretary-Organisation must necessarily be made with the prior consent of the National President. If for any reason it is necessary to relieve or change the General Secretary-Organiation, the same can be done only with the prior consent of the National President. If occassion arises, the National President can direct the appointment of general Secretary-Organisation. |
| (b) | With the prior consent of the National President, the State President can appoint a General Secretary (organisation) even from outside his Executive Committee. Such a person shall be full fledged member of the Executive Committee. |
| 6. | The State President will nominate at least 25 percent new members in his committee. The number of special invitees in the State Executive shall not exceed 25% of its total strength besides ex-officio permanent invitees. |
Article XVIII : NATIONAL COUNCIL
- The National Council shall consist of :
(a) Members elected by the State Council as laid down in sub-clause 2;
(b) 10% of the Party members of Parliament to be elected by all the Party members of Parliament, but not less than 10; if the total number of Party members is less than 10, then all of them
(c) All former National Presidents;
(d) All State Presidents;
(e) Leaders of the Party in Lok Sabha and Rajya Sabha;
(f) Leaders of the Party in State Assemblies and Councils;
(g) Nominated members (not more than 40) by the National President;
(h) All members of the National Executive; and
(i) All India Presidents of Allied Morchas and Cells.
- Members of the State Council comprised in categories (a) (b) and (c) of Article XVI (1) shall elect members for the National Council equal to the number of Lok Sabha seats allocated to that State, provided that these members shall include a minimum number of persons belonging to Scheduled Castes/Tribes equal to the number of seats reserved for them from that State. Two Lok Sabha Constituencies of the State shall be grouped together and divided into Sectors and at lelast one representative from each Sector must be elected. The demarcation of these Sectors shall be made by the National Executive.
- Every member of the National Council shall pay a fee of Rs. 100/-
Article XIX : ELECTION OF THE NATIONAL PRESIDENT
- The National President shall be elected by an electoral college consisting of :
(a) Members of the National Council as mentioned under Article XVIII 1 (a) and (b)
(b) Members of the State Councils as mentioned under Article XVl, 1(a), (b) and (c). - The election shall take place in accordance with the rules framed by theNational Executive.
- Any twenty members of the electoral college of a state can jointly propose any person who has been an active member for four terms and has fifteen years of membership, for the post of National President. But such joint proposal should come from not less then five states where elections have been completed for the National council. The consent of the candidate isnecessary.
Article XX : NATIONAL EXECUTIVE
- The National Executive shall consist of President and not more than 120 members, of whom at least 40 shall be women and 12 belonging to SC/ST, to be nominated by the President.
- The President shall nominate from amongst the members of the National Executive not more than 13 Vice-Presidents, not more than nine General Secretaries, one General Secretary (Organization), one Treasurer and not more than fifteen Secretaries. Out of the office-bearers there will be at least 13 women and at least three (3) SC/ST giving representation to at least three from each category.
- Only such persons will be nominated to the Executive as have been Active Member for at least three terms. The President may in special circumstaces grant exemption upto 15 members from this condition.
- As and when it is found necessary, the national president may appoint one or more organising secretaries to assist the GS (Org.) and may allow similar appointments at the state level by the state president.
- As an when it is found neccessary, the national president may appoint zonal organising secretaries to look after the organisation in two or more states, and may allow similar appointments of divisional organising secretaries for two or more districts at the state level, by the state president.
- The National President will have at least 25 percent new members in his committee. The number of special invitees in the National Executive shall not exceed 30% of its total strength besides ex-officio permanent invitees.
- At the National and State levels only a whole time worker shall be appointed as General Secretary (Organization). He will be eligible to contest any election only two years after his relinquishing office.
Article XXI : TERM OF THE PRESIDENT
No member will hold the post of a President consecutively for more than one term of three years.
Article XXII : PLENARY SESSION
- The following shall be entitled to attend the Plenary Session :
(a) All members of the National Council;
(b) All members of the State Councils;
(c) All members of the Party in Parliament;
(d) All members of the Party in State Legislature; and
(e) All other categories agreed upon by the National Executive for the Session. - A Plenary Session of the Party shall ordinarily be held once in every term at such time and place as may be determined by the National Executive.
- The National President shall preside at the said session.
Article XXIII : SPECIAL SESSION
- A Special Session of the Party will be held, if the National Executive so decides or if at least 1/3 members of the national Council Jointly make a request to the National President to convene such a special session for discussing an agenda specified in the demand.
- All members of the National Council shall be delegates for the Special Session.
Article XXIV : POWERS AND JURISDICTION
- All decisions taken at a Plenary Session or a Special Session shall be binding on all units, organs, allied Morchas, Cells and members of the Party.
- Subject to the decisions mentioned in sub-clause 1, the National Council shall be the highest policy making body of the Party.
- Subject to sub-clause 1 and 2, the National Executive shall be the highest authority of the Party. Every power not specifically vested in any other organ shall be exercisable by the National Executive. It shall lay down rules for carrying out the functions of all units and organs. it shall frame rules for the maintenance of funds which will be audited and approved annually. It shall be the duty of the National Executive to allocate the powers to all other units and organs, to frame rules, to create machinery for holding elections and for settlement of disputes therefrom.
- All other organs and untis shall perform such functions and carry out such duties in their respective area as may be determind by the National Executive.
- National Executive will frame rules for the constitution of Disciplinary Committees at different levels for deciding matters relating to violation of discipline.
- National Executive will frame rules for filling the vacancies caused by resignation, expulsion or death of a member.
Article XXV : PARLIAMENTARY BOARD
The National Executive shall set up a Parliamentary Board consisting of the Party President and 10 other members one of whom will be the Leader of the Party in Parliament, with the Party President as Chairman. One of the General Secretaries shall be nominated as Secretary of the Parliamentary Board by the President.
The parliamentary Board has power to supervise and regulate the activities of the legislative and parliamentary parties of the party, to guide in the formation of ministry and also has the authority to take note of any breach of discipline by members of the legislative and parliamentry parties and also by office-bearers of state-units and take such actions as are necessary. The Board will discuss and decide any policy pursuit or policy change which has not till then been adopted by the party. The Board shall have power and authority to guide and regulate all the organisational units below the National Executive. This decisions shall be ratified at a special meeting of the national executive within twenty one days of the said decision.
Article XXVI : CENTRAL ELECTION COMMITTEE
- The National Executive shall set up a Central Election Committee consisting of the Parliamentary Board and 8 other members elected by the National Executive as per rules. National President of Mahila Morcha shall be ex-officio member of the Central Election Committee. The Central Election Committee will
(a) Make final selection of candidates for the State Legislatures and Parliament; and
(b) Conduct election campaigns.
(b) Conduct election campaigns.
Article XXVII : STATE ELECTION COMMITTEE
By framing necessary rules the State Executive shall elect a State Election Committee of not more than 15 members. The President of State Mahila Morcha will be the ex-officio members of the State election Committee. The State election Committee will
(a) Propose names of Party candidates for Legislature and Parliamentary seats from the State to the Central Election Committee;
(b) Make final selection of Party candidates for the various Local Body Elections, Co-operative institutions and the like; and
(c) Conduct election campaigns in the State.
Article XXVIII : CO-ORDINATION COMMITTEES :
STATE : to co-ordinate and to bring about better understanding and co-operation between the organisitional and legislative side of the party the State President shall constitute a seven member co-ordination committee with state president as chairman and six other members, three of whom will be from state executive and three from legislative party including the leader of the Legislative Party. This committee will be under the supervision, direction and guidance of central parliamentry board.
DISTRICT : The District president will constitute the district coordination committee. The District President and four other senior members of the district committee along with BJP leaders of corporations, municipalities, District Panchayat and co-operative will be members of the district co-ordination committee. The District President will be the Chairman of the Committee. This committee will co-ordinate, regulate and guide the activities of these local bodies and will be under the supervision, direction and guidance of state co-ordination committee.
MANDAL : The Mandal President will consititute a mandal co-ordination committee consisting of the leader of the block level panchayats and two representatives of gram panchayats comprised within the mandal and three members of mandal committee of which one will be general secretary. The mandal president will be president of this committee. This committee will regulate and co-ordinate the activities of panchayats under the mandal and will be under the supervision, direction and guidance of district co-ordination committee.
Article XXIX : STATE FUNDS AND ACCOUNTS
A five member finance committee at state level from out of a panel of ten names submitted by state president will be constituted. Out of the five members, one will be the state treasurer. This five member committee will be constituted by the national treasurer and will be responsible for the collection of funds, expenditure and maintenance of account in each state. This committee will function under the direction of state president and will be guided by national treasurer.
Article XXX : SCRUTINY OF REGISTER OF MEMBERS
The State Executive and the District Committee shall undertake periodical scrutiny of the six year term Register of Members maintained by each Mandal and shall dispose of all complaints regarding irregularities and rectify the records. If large scale irregularities are reported, the National Executive may take such action as it considers necessary. The State Returning Officers will not proceed with the elections unless the register is scrutinised and rectified as mentioned above.
Article XXXI: MORCHAS AND CELLS
- Mahila, Youth, Kisan, Minorities, Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes Morchas will be constituted at all levels, and Cells formed at the National, State and District level for other fields, according to the rules framed by the National Executive.
Article XXXII : ELECTION DISPUTES
Subject to the rules framed by the National Executive, State Executives, District Committees and Mandal Committees shall make arrangements for dealing and disposing of all disputes arising out of elections to Units and organs within their jurisdiction.
Article XXXIII : INTERPRETATION OF CONSTITUTION
The National Executive has the power and authority to interpret the Articles and Rules of the party constitution and also import thereof whenever an occasion arises for the same. The National Executive decision in respect of the above shall be final and binding on all member or units.
Article XXXIV : AMENDMENT OF THE CONSTITUTION
The Constitution can be amended, altered and added to, only by the National Council of the Party, provided that the National Executive shall have the powers to amend, alter and add to this Constitution also. The changes so made by the Executive shall be placed before the very next session of the National Council for ratification, but they may come in operation even before such ratification from a date as may be prescribed by the National Executive.
FORM A
BHARATIYA JANATA PARTY ........ STATE
BHARATIYA JANATA PARTY ........ STATE
Primary Membership Application Form
Date....................... Term ................... Sr. No...............
I.................................................................wish to become a member of the Bharatiya Janata Party. I have completed 18 years of age. I promise to abide by the pledge printed at the back.
I was first enrolled as member of the Party in the year .............I am hereby depositing Rs.5 as Membership Fee.
Name ..................................................... Date of Birth ................................
Father's/Husband's Name..................... Sex : Male/Female .......................
Work Place ............................................ District..........................................
Address1 ................................................ Parliament ...................................
Address2 ............................................... Assembly ......................................
City ........................................................ Mandal ..........................................
Pin Code................................................ Ward/Village .................................
Phone(.....)............................................. Polling Booth No ..........................
E-Mail.................................................... Occupation ...................................
Education ............................................. Social Category .............................
Father's/Husband's Name..................... Sex : Male/Female .......................
Work Place ............................................ District..........................................
Address1 ................................................ Parliament ...................................
Address2 ............................................... Assembly ......................................
City ........................................................ Mandal ..........................................
Pin Code................................................ Ward/Village .................................
Phone(.....)............................................. Polling Booth No ..........................
E-Mail.................................................... Occupation ...................................
Education ............................................. Social Category .............................
Signature and address of the Thumb Impression/
Enrolling person. Signature of Applicant
Enrolling person. Signature of Applicant
PLEDGE
- I believe in Integral Humanism which is the basic philosophy of the Bharatiya Janata Party.
- I am committed to Nationalism and National Integration, Democracy, 'Gandhian approach to socio-economic issues leading to the establishment of an egalitarian society free from exploitation', Positive Secularism, (Sarva Dharma Sama Bhava) and Value-based politics.
- I subscribe to the concept of a Secular State and Nation not based on religion.
- I firmly believe that this task can be achieved by peaceful means alone.
- I do not believe in discrimination based on caste, sex or religion.
- I do not observe or recognize untouchability in any shape or form.
- I am not a member of any other political Party.
- I undertake to abide by the Constitution, Rules and Discipline of the Party.
RULES
Articles IX,X and XI
Articles IX,X and XI
- Membership forms of the Party shall be printed by the respective State Units only.
- Membership forms shall be serially numbered. After a six year term, the serial Number will again be from 1. They shall carry the signature of the State President.
- Membership forms shall be issued in the form of books. In the first year of the membership being taken up in the area for the first time a book containing 25 forms will be issued. Normally a book will have 10 forms.
- (A District/Mandal unit shall primarily be responsible for the enrolment of members. The state unit shall issue membership forms to the District units. As a special case, membership forms will also be issued to individual members but not more than 50 forms shall be issued at one time. Additional membership forms shall be issued to the individual only when full account of the forms already issued is rendered and fees deposited. If there are complaints that any District unit is not issuing forms properly, the State unit, after due verification of facts may issue forms to the Party units or individuals and inform the District unit concerned accordingly.
- When membership forms are issued, a signed acknowledgement shall be obtained by the State/District/Mandal units. In the event of any individual failing to return the unused forms and/or account of used forms in time, he shall be disqualified from contesting organisational elections for that term.
- (a) The District units shall prepare the list of members for every term, local committee and Mandal wise. New members enrolled would be added to the list. A detailed proforma of the total number of members, each local committee and Mandal-wise would be sent to the State office. While preparing the proforma the number of those members who have died or resigned or were removed during the term would also be mentioned and their number reduced from the total list.(b) Active member application forms will also be printed by the State unit. The completed forms received by the Mandal from the members would be forwarded to the District Party Office for their approval. The approved forms would be sent to the District Office where a list of active members would be prepared Mandalwise. Copies of these lists would be sent to the Mandal, State and Central offices and until these lists reach central office elections cannot beheld for the mandal level untis.(c) No member of the Party can enrol himself in more than one place in either of the lists prepared under sub-clause 6 (a) or (b). If a member wants a change of place he will have to apply under Article IX (a) 4.(d) The amount received by the State from District/ Mandal against Active Member forms would be distributed as under :Mandal 25 p.c.
District 50 p.c.
State 15 p.c.
Centre 10 p.c. - Any State or its subordinate unit which fails to comply with these rules shall be liable to disciplinary action.
- Rules for disposal of objections or appeals therefrom for the preparation of electoral rolls will be framed by the National Executive.
- For Party elections, generally held every three years, the National Executive would prepare the time table.
- Primary and final publication of primary members lists shall be done at Local, Mandal and District offices. Final publication of Active Members list shall be done at Mandal, District and State Offices.
Article XIII : LOCAL COMMITTEE
All members of the Local Committee shall meet at an appointed time, date and place, fixed for elections. Candidates will file their nomination papers (Form C) an hour before the time of poll.
After scrutiny and withdrawals, elections, if necessary, shall ordinarily be by show of hands and declaration of result shall be on the basis of getting more votes.
Article XIV : MANDAL COMMITTEE
Mandal Committee elections will be held only when at least 20 percent additional members have been enrolled for the new term.
Article XV : DISTRICT COMMITTEE
Election for the District President and State Council members to be elected from the district will be held only when 50% of the total Mandals in the District have been duly constituted.
Method of Voting
- All elections of the Party, excepting for the Local Committee, shall be held by secret ballot.
- Time-table for the election of National and State Presidents and National Council will be drawn by the National Executive.
- For elections to Mandal, District and State the nominations shall be accepted one day before voting. Time for withdrawal of nominations shall be fixed after scrutiny. Even if there is a possibility of a unanimous election, the result shall be declared on the next day at the time of voting.
- After withdrawal, if election is necessary, then voting shall take place on the next day. Separate lists of candidates for the posts of President and members of the Committee shall be prepared in legible hand by the Returning Officer, sectorwise and put on the walls at the Polling Station itself. The voter shall cast his vote by writing names on the ballot paper provided to him from the lists.
- Only one agent each along with the candidate shall be allowed to enter the Polling Station. After polling is over, votes shall be counted and the result shall be declared.
- For the election of President, only one name will be written on the ballot paper. One who secures the highest number of votes would be declared elected.
- For elections of Mandal Committee members, voters will write not more than, 30/45/60 as the case may be, names from amongst the candidates. Those, 30/45/60 as the case may be, securing the highest numbers of votes would be elected.
- Elections for Mandal Committee, District President, State Council, National President and National Council Members will be by simple majority through secret ballot.
- One who will not be able to fill up his own ballot paper can take help from any other voter of his choice. Provided that such helper would not be permitted to help more than once in one election.
- Even though nomination and ballot papers of many elected posts are generally similar, separate papers should be printed on different coloured papers for different posts.
Conduct of Election
- The National Executive shall appoint a Returning Officer for conducting the triennial election of the Party.
- The All India Returning Officer shall appoint a State Returning Officer for each State for the conduct of elections of the District President and members of the State Council from those districts. The State Returning Officers will in turn appoint District Returning Officers for conducting Mandal elections. The District returning officer will appoint Mandal returning officers to conduct Local Committee elections. The District and Mandal returning officers must be from outside the area for which election is to be conducted. There will be no bar for State Returning Officer to be a candidate for the National Council.
- Election disputes during election up to the Mandal level would bedecided by the District Returning officer. These must be submitted within 3 days of the dispute. They will be disposed of within 7 days. Appeal will lie with the three member State appeal committee appointed by All India Returning officer within 10 days.
- Election disputes during the election of the District President and the election of State Council Members would be submitted to the State Returing officer within 3 days who will dispose them of within five days. Appeals will lie with the All India three member appeal committee appointed by All India Returning officer within 10 days. The appeal shall be disposed of within a month.
- Returning officer to conduct election of the State President and members of the national council from that State will be appointed by the All India Returning officer from outside that state. With the permission of the All India Returning officer, the election of the State Presidenct can also be conducted as laid down under rule 11 by making polling arrangements at all District centres of the State under the supervision of polling officers appointed by the state Returning officer. The sealed ballot boxes will be taken to the state office. On the day fixed for counting of votes, votes would be counted and one who secures the highest votes would be declared elected. Otherwise the election of the State President and the members of the National Council shall be held (Nominations, Scrutiny and withdrawal of names on first day and ''Voting'' on second day) at the time of conference of Pratinidhi Sabha of the state.
- The process of electing the State President or members of the National Council from the State would start only when 50.p.c of the District President and State Council members have been duly elected.
- The process for the election of All India President would begin only after 50% of the election of National Council members has been completed.
- If there are more than one name left after expiry of time for withdrawals, then on the fixed day of poll, in all the State Capitals, polling will be conducted by polling officers appointed by the All India Returning Officer. The sealed ballot boxes will be brought to Delhi at the earliest. On the day fixed for counting, one who secures highest votes, would be declared elected.
- After the announcement of the result of election by the State Returning Officer, election petitions which are filed within 15 days, will be heard by a Three Member Panel to be appointed by th State Executive. Appeals filed within one month will be heard by an All India Three Member Panel which will be appointed by the National Executive, whose decision will be final.
Article XXV : DISCIPLINARY ACTION
- Disciplinary Action Committee of not more than 5 members will be constituted by the National and State Executive respectively at the National and State levels. These Committees shall draw their own procedures.
- A State Disciplinary Action Committee can take action only against units subordinate to it and individuals other than Members of the National Council and Members of Parliament.
- On receipt of a complaint for breach of discipline, the National President or the State President, if he so desires may suspend an individual or a Unit followed by a show cause notice within a week of the said order.
- Maximum 10 days time from the date of receipt of such notice may be given to a person to reply. The State President within 7 days after the due date of the explanation shall forward the said complaint along with explanation, if any, to the State Disciplinary Action Committee.
- Disciplinary Action Committee will submit its report to the President in not more than 15 days. The State President shall take action on the recommendation of the Disciplinary Action Committee within a week. If final order is not passed even after the prescribed time, the case will be referred to the immediate next meeting of the State Executive for decision. The State President will communicate the action taken to the concerned person or unit within a month.
- No final decision for breach of discipline shall be taken against any individual or a Unit without an opportunity being given to the individual or Unit concerned to explain and answer such charges as are made against it or him/her.
- Any disciplinary action at the State level shall be reported to the National President within a week of taking such action.
- Any Unit or member aggrieved by the disciplinary action taken by the State Unit may go in appeal within 15 days to the Central Disciplinary Action Committee. The appeal shall be disposed off within two months. But any appeal against the desicion of a State Executive will be considered only in the next meeting of the National Executive. The State President shall communicate the appellant the action taken on the decision of the Central Disciplinary committee within one month.
- Any member contesting election against the official candidate of the Party will be summarily expelled from the Party by the State President or the All India President.
- The National President if he so desires, may suspend any member and then start disciplinary proceedings against him.
Breach of Discipline
Breach of discipline includes the following :
(a) Acting or carrying on propaganda against any programme or decision of the Party.
(b)Opposing the official candidate of the Party in elections to public bodies excluding those where party symbols are not allotted.
(c)Violating any rule or disobeying any order passed by a competent authority of the Party.
(d)Taking a Party dispute to any other agency outside the Party including print and electronic media.
(e)Collecting funds for the Party unauthorisedly, misusing the Party funds or indulging in malpractices in enrolment of members or in the conduct of Party elections.
(f)Acting in a way calculated to lower the prestige of the Party or carrying on propaganda against any Party Unit or its office-bearers.
SITTINGS
Sittings of the various Units of the Party shall ordinarily be held at least as under :
National Council and State Council - Once every Year.
National Executive and State Executive - Once every three months.
District, Regional and Mandal Committee - Once every two months.
Local Committee - Once every month.
National Executive and State Executive - Once every three months.
District, Regional and Mandal Committee - Once every two months.
Local Committee - Once every month.
In case no meeting of a Regional, District or a Mandal Committee is held even once in six months, the Unit will automatically stand dissolved. If a Unit becomes inactive, the State Executive will have the power to dissolve the Unit upto the District level after giving it an opportunity to explain.
The National President and the State President as the case may be, will nominate an ad-hoc body to look after the work of the dissolved Unit. Normally, elections will be held within six months of the ad-hoc arrangement. But, if even after six months a duly elected unit is not formed, the earlier announced ad-hoc body shall be replaced by another ad-hoc arrangement.
NOTICE FOR SITTTINGS
Ordinary Emergency
Meetings Meetings
Local Committee
Meetings Meetings
Local Committee
Ordinary Emergency
Meetings Meetings
Local Committee 5 days 2 days
Regional and Mandal Committee 10 days 3 days
District Committee 15 days 5 days
State Executive 21 days 7 days
National Executive 21 days 7 days
State/National Council 30 days 10 days
VACANCIES
Meetings Meetings
Local Committee 5 days 2 days
Regional and Mandal Committee 10 days 3 days
District Committee 15 days 5 days
State Executive 21 days 7 days
National Executive 21 days 7 days
State/National Council 30 days 10 days
VACANCIES
- Members absenting without approval for three consecutive meetings of their Unit will be liable to be removed by a resolution of the concerned Unit.
- President of a Local, Mandal, District or a Regional Committee can be removed by a resolution passed by a 2/3 majority of the members present and voting in a meeting of the Unit concerned. Provided a written notice signed by not less than half of the members of the Committee is sent to the President of the concerned Higher Committee, on receipt of which he will nominate an office-bearer/member of his committee to call an emergencey meeting of the lower Committee under the nominee's chairmanship where the notice will be taken up.
- A President can remove an office-bearer nominated by him only after a motion to the effect is adopted by his Committee.
- The All India President or a State President can be removed by the National Council or the State Council by a resolution passed by 2/3majority of the members present which shall be not less than 50% of the total number of Council members, at a requisitioned meeting by at least 1/3 of the total number of members of the Council. The requisitioned meeting shall be held within 20 days from the date of the receipt of the motion by the concerned president.
- To fill vacancy in any Committee or a Council the remaining elected members of that body will be entitled to fill the vacancy. But a vacancy of the woman member, SC/ST members will be filled up by members belonging to the respective categories only.
- Vacancy of the President of any Unit will be filled in the same manner as was done originally. Till then an ad-hoc appointment will be made by the President of the higher body who in turn will nominate his office-bearers from amongst the members of the existing Committee/Executive.
- No post will remain vacant for more than 6 months.
QUORUM
Quorum for all Committee/Executive meetings shall be one-third of the strength of the Unit or ten, whichever is less.
Quorum for all Council meetings will be one-tenth of the total strength of the Council. A meeting adjourned for lack of quorum will meet again at the same place and time to transact the same business.
Provided that there shall be no need of a quorum for an adjourned meeting.
DELEGATE
A delegate shall not be permitted to take part in any session or meeting of the Council unless he pays the requisite delegate fee.
REPRESENTATION OF MORCHAS AND CELLS
The Presidents/conveners of all approved Morchas and Cells of the Party shall be permanent invitees to the corresponding BJP Executive Committtee.
FUNCTIONS OF THE OFFICE-BEARERS
PRESIDENT
- To Preside over the sittings of the concerned Commitee or Council.
- To nominate, as per the Constitution, members/office-bearers to his Committee/Executive.
- To allocate the work and duties among the office-bearers and members of the Committee/Executive.
- To exercise any power of his Executive/Committee, in an emergency, when it is not in session provided that any such action will have to be approved in its subsequent meeting.
- To take part in talks with other Parties and to nominate representatives from the Party for the work.
- To decide the date of the Committee/Executive meeting and to convene the meeting as per rules of the Party Constitution.
- To appoint Presidents/conveners for the various Morchas and Cells of the Party and to co-ordinate their functioning.
- To conduct workers Study Camps and Conferences as organised by the Committee/Executive.
- To guide the Committee/Executive in implementing programmes for furthering the organisational and constructive activities and agitational programmes of the Party.
- The Presidents of the various units will be authorised to spend upto the following amounts on their own :
Local Committee - Rs. 5,00/-
Mandal Committee - Rs. 2,000/-
Regional & District Committee - Rs. 10,000/-
State Committee - Rs. 50,000/-
Mandal Committee - Rs. 2,000/-
Regional & District Committee - Rs. 10,000/-
State Committee - Rs. 50,000/-
National President - Any amount considered to be appropriate
If under unavoidable circumstances, amounts more than authorised are spent, it would be essential to get the necessary approval of the same at the very next meeting of the Committee/Executive.
VICE-PRESIDENT
- To carry out the responsibilities as directed by the President.
- In the absence of the President, the Vice-President specially authorised by the President in writing, will preside over the meeting. If no such direction has been made, any one of the Vice-Presidents, and if all the Vice-Presidents are absent then the Committee/Executive can call on any one of its members present to preside.
- In place of the President, the Vice-President directed by the President will discharge all the functions and powers of the President.
GENERAL SECRETARY
- To convene meetings as per the instructions of the President, issue circulars and agendas as well as to organise the meetings.
- To maintain the minutes of the meeting and to circulate it among members.
- To organise programmes, meetings, conferences, agitations and to look after publicity.
- To run the office of the Party and make necessary appointments with the consent of the President.
- To execute the decisions of the President and the Committee/Executive.
SECRETARY
- To discharge the functions allocated by the President and to help the General secretary in his duties.
TREASURER
- To maintain the income and expenditure account of the Committee/Executive.
- To get the accounts examined/audited and to report the same to the Committee annually.
- To audit the accounts of all subordinate units.
REQUISITIONED MEETING
The number required for making a quorum for the Executive Committee or council meetings, will be necessary for making a joint representation to the concerned President specifying the subject for which a requisitioned meeting is asked for. On receipt of such a requisition, a Committee or Executive meeting shall be called within ten days and a Council meeting within one month.
PARTY FUNDS
- Fund collection receipts will be printed at the National and State levels only.
- Each receipt will be duly numbered and issued in books containing 20 receipts.
- Each receipt shall bear a facsimile signature of the concerned Treasurer. The counterfoil will be signed in full by the member who collects the money.
- Bank Account will be opened in the name of the Party upto a Mandal Committee level to be jointly operated by any two amongst the Treasurer and the President or the General Secretary of the Unit
RULES FOR MORCHAS AND CELLS
- The National President of BJP will nominate All India Presidents for all the Morchas and cells.
- BJP State Presidents will nominate State President of a Morcha with the advice of All India President of that Morcha.
- The All India working committee of a Morcha will comprise of :
(a) All State Presidents of that Morcha; and
(b) Members not more than 60 nominated by the All India President of that Morcha. - The All India Morcha President would nominate not more than seven Vice-Presidents, three General Secretaries one Treasurer and seven Secretaries from amongst the members of his committee.
- B.J.P. District President will nominate District President of a Morcha with the concurrence of the State President of that Morcha. If concurrence could not be obtained then State President shall nominate the District President of the Morcha in consultation with the State President of the Morcha.
- The State working Committee of a Morcha will comprise of :
(a) All District Presidents of that Morcha; and
(b) Members not more than 45 nominated by the State President of that Morcha. - The State President of the Morcha would nominate not more than six Vice-Presidents, two General Secretaries, one Treasurer and six Secretaries from amongst the members of his Committee.
- The District Committee of a Morcha will comprise of :
(a) All Mandal Presidents of that Morcha; and
(b) Members not more than 30 nominated by the District President of that Morcha. - The District Morcha President would nominate not more than four Vice-Presidents, two General Secretaries, one Treasurer and five Secretaries from amongst the members of his committee.
- B.J.P. Mandal President will nominate Mandal President of a Morcha with the concurrence of the District President of that Morcha. If concurrence could not be obtained then District President of the BJP shall nominate Mandal President of the Morcha in consultation with the District President of the Morcha.
- Mandal Morcha President will nominate with the advice of BJP Mandal President not more than 21 members for his Mandal Morcha Committee out of whom there will be two Vice-Presidents, one General Secretary, four secretaries and one Treasurer.
- District Committee and above of Mahila, Youth and Kisan Morchas shall have at least two members of SC/ST.
- District Committee and above of Youth, Kisan, S.C. and S.T. Morchas shall have at least one woman member.
- Cells will be constituted at National, State, District and Mandal level to cater to the interests of ex-soldiers, Traders, Employees, Labour, Washermen, Weavers, Cattle breeders, fishermen, Jhuggi-Jhonpadi dwellers, Hawkers, those working in cooperatives etc.
- All India Convener of the Cells, office-bearers and members of the committee will be nominated by the All India BJP President, State Conveners of the cells, office-bearers and members of the committee will be nominated by the State President of BJP. The district Conveners of the Cells, office-bearers and members of the Committee will be nominated by the District President of BJP.
- Funds for the Morchas and cells will be collected only on BJP Receipt Books issued by the corresponding BJP committee with the Morcha/Cell stamp affixed on them. The amount will be deposited with the corresponding BJP account under a separate head and would be spent only with the consent of that Morcha President or Cell Conveners. Funds collected by the Morchas and Cells at different levels would be divided as under :(a)25% of the total amount collected by a Morcha or Cell upto the District level would be transferred to the State fund of that Morcha or Cell: and(b)10% of the total amount collected by a Morcha or a Cell upto the State level would be the share of the All India fund of the Morcha or Cell.
- Additional funds required for Morchas', or Cells', activities would be the responsibility of the corresponding BJP Units.
- A Morcha or a Cell All India/State President/Convener with the concurrence of National/State BJP President, as the case may be, can suspend any member or Unit of the Morcha/Cell if a case of breach of discipline of the Morcha/Cell is brought to his notice. The aggrieved member or Unit will be served with a notice and asked to explain. The matter then will be referred to the Central/State BJP Disciplinary Committee (along with the reply if received). A representative of the Morcha/Cell appointed by the Morcha/Cell President/Conveners at the Central/State level will also be associated with the Disciplinary Committee when the matter is considered.
- All activities of the Morcha/Cell would be governed by the Constitution and Rules of the BJP.
- Only Active Members of BJP would be eligible to be members of All India working Committee, State working Committees and District working Committees of the Morchas and Cells.
- BJP members ordinarily upto the age of 35 years would be eligible to work in the Yuva Morcha.
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